Monday, 25 March 2013

Achebe’s last Keynote Address



LITERATURE AND ETHNICITY:  Is literature shaped by the cultural contexts of the authors?
Being keynote address  presented in Port Harcourt , Rivers State by CHINUA ACHEBE at the 2011 Garden City Literary Festival
ETHNICITY is a somewhat problematic word. The great American anthropologist and poet, Stanley Diamond, used such words as ethnic with complete and disarming respect, unlike most of us.
Chinua Achebe
Chinua Achebe

Our use tends to be  coloured by guilt, condescension, or just awkwardness because this word and others in its category have suffered from cultural and racial politics and the politics of scholarship.
I looked up the word ethnic in my daughter’s Random House College Dictionary. It had five definitions as follows:
1)  pertaining to or characteristic of a people, especially a speech or culture group
2)  referring to the origin, classification, characteristics etc. of such groups
3)  pertaining to non-Christians
4)  belonging to or deriving from the cultural, racial, religious or linguistic traditions of a people or country especially a ‘primitive’ one: ethnic dances
5) U.S. a member of an ethnic group especially one belonging to a minority group that is not part of the white Anglo-Saxon Protestant tradition.
Protestant tradition
This is clearly a word loaded with problems. Being the keynote speaker I could not evade drawing attention to this. Being first has its drawbacks. An Igbo children’s chant says that the child who walks in front is the eye that spots evil spirits, the child in the rear has twisted fingers (I don’t know why!); the middle child is the happy one.
Having spotted this evil spirit I shall simply step aside to the edge of the pathway and let it pass. I shall use ethnicity in the way I know Stanley [Diamond] intended it. I shall use it to mean those elements of history and culture which distinguish one group of people from their fellows. Put a little differently, ethnicity would comprise all those significant qualities of a people’s character – qualities of mind and behavior which they acquired in their long struggle to domesticate the wilderness and make it their world; their physical and spiritual landscape.
We are talking then about deep, not surface issues; we are not talking about this morning’s gossip but about matters which reach back to the beginnings of a people as a people. We are talking about  their earliest memories which they consider important and wish to preserve and so recount in well-chosen, pleasing and memorable language. Finally we are talking also about the beginnings of literature. That is what ethnicity suggests to me.
Needless to say that these origins did not involve pen and paper or their ancestors of clay and papyrus. We may imagine some ancient  poets making fun of those of their guild who were adopting the new-fangled habit of  reading  from heavy clay tablets intended for royal edicts and land measurements. This may be no idle imagination. Several years ago I had invited a seventy-year old illiterate minstrel to recite his epic poetry at the University of Nigeria. His story of the exploits of the hero, Emeka Okoye, began, to everyone’s surprise, with paper playing a singularly sinister role.
Paper floating down from the sky one morning carried a commandment from the demi-god Enunyilimba prohibiting the eating or drinking of anything, however, small for seven markets or twenty eight days. The reason: this demi-god was going to feast above for one month and all the inhabitants of the world below must, therefore, honour him with starvation, on pain of instant death!
The notion of oral performance as serious literature is still received with suspicion or reluctance in many quarters, or at best perceived as a form that ended long ago, perhaps in the age of Homer. But that is far from the truth. The Somali, a pastoral/nomadic people in the Horn of Africa must be accounted among the world’s most poetic people. Their life is permeated by the composition and recital of poetry ranging from simple domestic discourse about the superiority of the camel over goats and cows to the intense anti-colonial poetry directed against the British; the Italians and the Ethiopians.
Sayyid Muhammad Abdille Hasan whom the British called the “Mad Mullah” is revered to this day not only because of his twenty-year struggle against three colonial powers, but primarily as the greatest poet in the Somali language. Now this language was first written down as recently as 1972. It is important that we admit the category of oral literature with respect in this literary festival or else we shall have little to talk about beside already very-well-talked-about matters. For myself I am taking my bearing from oral literature.
During the European Middle Ages a succession of empires rose and fell in the West African grasslands or the Sahel. One of the most remarkable among these empires was Mali as remarkable as its founder, Sundiata. Islam had penetrated into this part of Africa for at least one thousand years and had slowly superseded the indigenous African polytheistic religions.
Polytheistic religions
The creation story which I will now tell you quite obviously predates the coming of Islam to Mali:
At the beginning there was a huge drop of milk.
Then Doondari came and he created the stone.
Then the stone created iron;
The iron created fire;
And fire created water;
And water created air.
Then Doondari descended the second time.
And took the five elements
And he shaped them into man.
But man was proud.
Then Doondari created blindness and blindness
defeated man.
But when blindness became too proud,
Doondari created sleep, and sleep defeated
blindness;
But when sleep became too proud,
Doondari created worry, and worry defeated
sleep;
But when worry became too proud,
Doondari created death, and death defeated
worry.
But when death became too proud,
Doondari descended for the third time,
And he came as Gueno, the eternal one
And Gueno defeated death.
There are many things one could say about this wonderful story but I will settle for only one – the constant battle the Creator wages, to maintain the integrity of his world in the face of insidious threat from pride. Four times Doondari has to create an agent to defeat pride. And four times it rises and fights again. And it was man’s pride that began it all.
The Fulani people who made this story before the coming of Allah were obviously concerned about pride. The theology behind the story is not concerned about seven deadly sins, but only one. In the 1950s after one thousand years of Islam, a young Fulani from Senegal who had received the best education the French could give to a brilliant colonial subject wrote a novel about the plight of his people after their defeat and subjugation by French arms and policies.
One of the major characters in the novel has this to say:
If it were still only a matter of ourselves, of the conservation of our substance, the problem would have been less complicated: not being able to conquer them, we should have chosen to be wiped out rather than to yield. But we are among the last men on earth to possess God as He veritably is in His Oneness…How are we to save Him?
The point being made here may elude anyone who has not read Cheikh Hamidou Kane’s novel: Ambiguous Adventure so I will summarize it:
“We the Diallobe people,” it says “would have had no excuse to continue living after our fathers were defeated by French arms; we would have had every justification in committing suicide. But we are among the few in the world who truly understand God. If we should die what would happen to God then?”
Now that is hardly a declaration of modesty. In fact it is pretty arrogant. It would seem that the pride which the Diallobe people  meditated upon is a living problem still with these people in spite of a thousand years of Islam, in spite of a history that has experienced imperial grandeur of their own making as well as the ultimate humiliation of defeat and colonialization by strangers.
We are thus talking about qualities at the core of a people’s character. Something which survives time and events and can ferry across from oral poetry in an African language to modern fiction written in French. We are not talking about transitory fads and fashions.
I take my second example from my own people – the Igbo of South-Eastern Nigeria, and a very different kind of creation myth. Unlike the Fulani story which takes place in a remote, ethereal setting, the Igbo story like the Igbo themselves, is very much down to earth.
The crux of this story is that one morning Chukwu, the Creator, looks down and beholds the king of Nri and the King of Adama sitting disconsolate on an anthill surrounded by marshy ground ( It is not clear whether there are two kings or one king with two titles: for simplicity I shall assume only one.) Chukwu asks him what the matter is and the king replies that the soil is too moist to plant the  yam which Chukwu had directed him to plant during an earlier discussion. As a result of this failure of the crop, the story tells us that people are wandering through the bush like wild animals. So Chukwu sends Eze Nri to Awka, the town of blacksmiths to invite one of them to blow on his bellows and make the soil dry.
This is an unusual creation story. It is not the drama of creation that it is concerned with. The world is already made and functioning somehow. But it is not perfect. Man complains to God about this and holds conversations with him to bring about changes and improvements, specifically the tremendous transition of mankind from wanderers in the bush to settled agriculturalists using iron tools.
The Igbo people who made this story are famous (or notorious according to one’s point of view) for their belief in conversation even with God. Unlike their neighbours, they do not care for kings and kingdoms. They were not easy to colonize; the British described them as argumentative. Why the British would consider the Igbo habit of arguing as surprising, is the real surprise.
Why would people who argue with the Creator of the world be intimidated by white district officers some of whom were in their twenties? The Igbo did not care for Empires; they preferred small-scale village communities where every adult male was the king of his own household and could take part in decision-making and every adult woman in (admittedly less frequent) women’s decision-making.
I hope you will not expect me to demonstrate in detail how the world of Things Fall Apart and the world of Arrow of God derive their substance and ambience from these primordial conversations between the first Igbo people and their Creator.
When the British colonized Nigeria they had a lot to learn- some of them did, but some of them, unfortunately, did not. It was bad enough that the Igbo had no kings and no horses, but to also demand a hearing was just too much! What the uninitiated members of  Britain’s imperial service did not realize was that the Igbo got away long ago talking back to God Himself. That is a major element of their ethnicity and it will be present in their life and literature.
I want now to address briefly the question posed in what appears like a sub-title to the main subject: To what degree is all literature shaped by the cultural contexts of the authors?
The creative enterprise is a magical space onto itself – the mind in mutual collaboration with the world and its elements to produce something of aesthetic value. Creative writers are like painters, using words to paint a literary tapestry. I think that words have a magic, that human situations- one’s environment, culture, ‘ethnicity’ as we have spent time re-discovering – can be unburdened to join other factors wordsmiths use to create literary magic – that extra dimension that the writer can conjure up by placing ideas about the human condition side by side on paper.
I suppose that cultural contexts is another name for what we have so far been calling the factors of ethnicity. Quite clearly these factors do shape literature. The cultural context within which a writer finds him/herself is relevant in so far as it brings something of literary value -contributes to the world story – and does not claim superiority over, deny, obscure or jaundice, even oppress other perspectives or stories. But having said that let me now admit that there are other factors and not least among them is the genius and free-will of the author.
I left this factor out of account until now, for a purpose. Good literature, whether oral or written, will bear the marks of the author’s culture as well as his or her own personal signature.
Culture is a shared commodity. It implies community. The behavior of one person is not called culture; but the action of one person can influence the culture of the group, and even change it.
Western literature played a central role in promoting the ideal of individual autonomy. As Lionel Trilling tells us Western literature has in the last one hundred and fifty years held “ an intense and adverse imagination of the culture in which it has its being.” It has promoted the view of society and of culture as a prison-house from which the individual must escape to find freedom and fulfillment.
If this is so then it seems to me that a real parting of the ways may have occurred between Western literature and its own origins, to say nothing of other literatures.
The father of Western philosophy says: I think, therefore I am. The unknown formulator of the great Bantu assertion says Umuntu, Ngumuntu Ngabantu: a person is a person because of other persons. The Igbo put it proverbially: if a person feels an itch in the back he calls his fellow to scratch him; an animal scratches itself against a tree.
Georges Braque, co-founder of cubism, once described perspective as “a ghastly mistake which it has taken four centuries to redress.” Perspective is important but it is also a one-eyed view which can degenerate into mere draughts-manship. Perhaps the celebration of individualism, another one-eyed view of the world, can now use a little redressing in Western literature.
The story of Nigeria is one steeped in ethnic and religious tensions and complexity. ‘Ethnicity’ in the Nigerian context has not evolved, through ‘a post-primordial civic nationalism’3  into a blissful, common national identity, as seen in say Switzerland. Until the day “the Swissification of ethnic conflict”4  arrives, Nigerians, particularly its writers, should not be satisfied with sweeping the matter ‘under the rug.’
For those who are not proficient in Nigeria’s recent political history it might be useful to point out that the word ethnic was not always ‘the ugly girl that many took to bed at night, but denied during the daytime.’ My generation remembers a Nigeria that was once a land of great hope and progress, a nation of immense resources at its disposal – natural resources, but even more so human resources. Nigeria possesses a great diversity of vibrant peoples who have not always been on the best of terms, but those of us who are old enough remember periods in our history when collaborations across ethnic and religious divides produced great results.
The Nigeria-Biafra war changed the course of Nigeria. One can summarize the conflict as one precipitated by the bile of ethnic hatred. It was such a cataclysmic experience that for me it virtually changed the history of Africa and the history of Nigeria. Everything I had known before, all the optimism had to be rethought. For me, this traumatic event changed my writing for a time, which found expression in a different genre – poetry.
Since the war, Nigerians have been subjected to a clique of military and civilian adventurers and a political class that have exploited the ethnic divisions in Nigeria. This group, unfortunately, has been completely corrupted – spearheading the enormous transfer of the country’s wealth into private bank accounts, a wholesale theft of the national resources needed for all kinds of things – for health, for education, for roads. The result has been that the nation’s infrastructure was left to disintegrate unleashing untold suffering on millions of innocent people.
This development has been made easy by Nigerian academics who have presided over the liquidation of the university system and the rise of a culture of anti-intellectualism in Nigeria. One of the ways we have done it is our obsession for office.
Twenty-five years ago, university professors were held in very high esteem. Today, I don’t think anybody thinks very much of them, and quite frankly, I think it is our own making. What happens when a university Vice-Chancellor in Nigeria is about to leave office? You ought to see the trips made up and down to government houses in Abuja, begging for cabinet positions.
What upsets me is that this entire mess Nigeria finds itself in was quite avoidable. The leadership appears not to really care for the welfare of the country and its people. If a political class—including intellectuals, university professors, and people like that, who have read all the books and know how the world works—if they had based their actions on principle rather than on opportunity, Nigeria would not be in this predicament.
But Nigerian leaders, beginning with the military dictators, looked around and saw that they could buy intellectuals. Anybody who called himself president would immediately find everyone lining up outside his home or his office to be made minister of this or that. And this is what they have exploited—they have exploited the divisions, the ethnic and religious sectionalization in the country. You have leaders who see nothing wrong in inciting religious conflict between Christians and Muslims. It’s all simply to retain power. So you find now a different kind of alienation.
In the past in Igbo land, if something kept happening and happening, or if somebody kept failing and failing, the people would go and consult an oracle. They call it Iju Ase. In the modern world, the systems that cause these failures are examined. But frankly, I would suggest that Nigeria has decided to put merit aside and bring up whatever considerations, and that is one of the things that happened to us. And the modern world has not been created on considerations outside of merit.
I despair over Nigeria daily. On the missed opportunities of Nigeria: the fact that nobody has had the imagination to say, ‘Look I’m going to transcend all this ethnic pettiness and become the leader of modern Nigeria’ because this is important for Africa, this is important for the world. So, let’s stop all this nonsense about religion, about tribe and so on. Let’s organize Nigeria and make it a working entity so that it can fulfill its mission in the world.
There is a great deal of work for the Nigerian writer- indeed all writers. If the society is healthy, the writer’s job is limited – which is not the situation in Nigeria. On the other hand, if a society is ill the writer has a responsibility to point it out even if it produces headaches in the halls of power!
The role of the writer in a society such as ours besieged with many pathologies -ethnic bigotry, political ineptitude, corruption, and the cult of mediocrity – is not an easy or rigid one. Nigerian writers can choose to turn away from the reality of Nigeria’s intimidating complexity or conquer its mystery by battling with it. I hope we all choose the latter.
1 Ulli Beier (ed.) The Origin of Life and Death, London, Heinemann Educational Books, 1966, In Chinua Achebe, Hopes and Impediments, New York, Anchor Doubleday, 1989, P.135.
2 Cheikh Hamidou Kane, Ambiguous Adventure, London, Heinemann Educational Books, 1962, p.10.
3 Alexandre S. Wilner  “The Swiss-ification of Ethnic Conflict: Historical Lessons in Nation building
– The Swiss Example”, Federal Governance Vol. 6, (2007/8), 1-27.
4 Ibid
Achebe was David and Marianna Fisher University Professor and Professor of Africana Studies
Brown University, Rhode Island, USA

PIB fiscal regime still very competitive – Committee



By Clara Nwachukwu
D
ESPITE the controversies generated over the fiscal regime, in terms of tax and royalty being proposed in the Petroleum Industry Bill, PIB, currently undergoing legislative scrutiny at the National Assembly, the technical team that prepared the bill insists that proposals are still very highly competitive.
A presentation at the Editor’s Forum in Lagos, weekend, the Lead team explained that the proposed fiscal framework is derived from a strategic national interest and incentives for attracting sustainable investment in the country. The team led by Mr. Abiye Membere, also argued that the fiscal terms are not only competitive compared to global climes, but also makes Nigeria one of the most attractive centres for oil and gas investments in the world.
Future investments
At every available opportunity international oil companies, IOCs, individually and as a group under the aegis of the Oil Producers Trade Section, OPTS, of the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry, LCCI, have continued to criticize the fiscal proposals, describing them as huge disincentives to future investments in the petroleum industry. Even the indigenous marginal field operators, also complained that it would cripple their businesses if passed as proposed, as it would increase costs by almost 50 percent.
Petroleum Minister, Diezani Madueke
Petroleum Minister, Diezani Madueke
However, Membere, also the Group Executive Director, Exploration and Production, Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC, noted that the new proposals are “predicated on production as opposed to terrain and investment respectively.”
Benefits of new proposals: He identified numerous benefits attached to the new proposals in terms of production and pricing, saying that royalty on production:
•Captures the output of a company as opposed to its location
•Creates a fair balance between small and big producers operating in the same region
•Enables operators to continue to make fair returns during field decline
•Lower rates proposed for condensate for Non-Associated Gas, NAG fields
•Lower rates also proposed for frontier and ultra deepwater basins.
With regard to price, he maintained that the new fiscal terms are fair to all irrespective of terrain; self adjusting based on the prevailing price of crude at the international market. Specifically, Membere explained that the new tax regimes provide for the payment of minimum tax where incentives would have made the company liable to National Hydrocarbon Tax, NHT.
Though the Corporate Income Tax, CIT, is pegged at 30 percent irrespective of the geographical location of the asset, he argued that the new template “removes all the rigours and intricacies involved in the calculation of NHT.
Production bonuses
Furthermore, he said that Production Bonuses are now based on production as opposed to investment (which may not fully capture the essence of capital deployed), adding that this is equally fair to all, as NHT rate is proposed at 50 per cent in the case of onshore/swamp/shallow offshore, and 25% for deepwater operations.
Global trend: Contrary to insinuations that it is only in Nigeria that the government is seeking higher take from its oil and gas resources, Membere argued that “Nigeria remains one of the most attractive countries in terms of fiscal regimes (Government Take).” He further noted that “Nigeria is not alone in “tightening” of fiscal terms during successive bid rounds or adhoc awards,” and compared Nigeria’s fiscal proposals with the Angolan bid rounds, where the Government Take at the level of Nigeria’s 2005 Production Sharing Contract, PSC terms.
According to him, “Proposed 2012 PIB actually lowers GT to 70% which is lower than the 76% GT based on current Angolan fiscal terms,” adding that there is a “Marginal increase on percent Government Take (GT) in the JV Operations from 87% to 88% at $80/bbl crude price.” He said the objective is with a view to achieving a fair balance between government and contractors share as well as to ensure risks do not outweigh reward. Overall, he maintained that the new PIB fiscal policy offered, “A generous Production Allowance, lower royalty rates and tax holidays are incentives designed to attract investments in gas sector.”
Unbundling NNPC: Rather than the outright privatisation of the NNPC, Membere said that the Federal Government decided to set up an asset management company, as a holding company, for some of the corporation’s subsidiaries, to be known as National Asset Management Corporation, NAMCORP.
The holding company will include all the assets of the corporation, excluding the National Petroleum Investment Management Services, NAPIMS; and the Nigerian Gas Company, NGC, 30 per cent of which will be given up for private equity to investors.
NAPIMS and NGC will then become separate entities to make up the three National Oil Companies, NOCs, instead of one, as being proposed in the Petroleum Industry Bill, PIB, currently undergoing scrutiny at the National Assembly. The development comes even as the Exploration and Production Directorate of the NNPC has put in place measures to address the high cost of operations in the nation’s petroleum industry, one of the bones of contention with the International oil companies, IOCs, in the fiscal regime proposed in the PIB. Clarifying further on the development, Membere, told journalists that the new PIB was not the monster bill, being described by the IOCs.
Rationale for decision: He explained that rather, the bill merely seeks to enhance the Federal Government’s take from petroleum resources in a very competitive and unambiguous manner, in line with global trends.
Other objectives of the PIB include: To enhance exploration and exploitation of petroleum resources; to significantly increase DomGas supplies especially for power and industry; create competitive business environment; to establish fiscal framework that is flexible, stable and competitively attractive; to create commercially viable national oil company’; to create efficient regulatory institutions; to engender transparency and accountability; to promote Nigerian content development; to promote and protect Health Safety and Environment
He disclosed that the government had to toe this line after considering all the issues involved in the privatisation of the NNPC assets, particularly the refineries, which he said were being priced as peanuts because of their current states. He noted that with the Joint Venture, JV, assets as well as those of the National Petroleum Development Company, NPDC, the value of the refineries would be shored up, once the 30 per cent equity is privatised.
He said the move was meant to “preserve the very profitable JV arrangement that contributes over 82 per cent of the total revenue from petroleum, ring fence so there is no divestment of the National Asset Company in addition to providing opportunities for IJV with the JV partners. Contrary to criticisms, he argued that the fiscal policy framework was “derived from a strategic national interest and incentives for attracting sustainable investment in the region.”
Expatiating further, he said the holding company would require a seed loan for two years to prepare it for self funding, adding that this will also provide private participation as it is simil toar other NOCs like Petrobras of Brazil, Petronas of Malaysia and a host of others; promote cultural change to a fully accountable and commercial company; and provide adequate funding for the NOC.
He said all these were part of the presentations made by the National Working and Group Executive Committees of PENGASSAN and NUPENG, with a view to understanding the draft PIB better.
Cost reduction measures: With regard to the cost reduction measures, membere said there was an industry wide standardisation of processes and evaluation mechanism for estimation of drilling and drilling services costs, using a common template across all the IOCs. Part of the standardisation include personnel and common costs, while also benchmarking major projects costs in line with international best practices.
Furthermore, he said the NNPC also intended to rank projects and select proposals in accordance with well established project selection, particularly on life cycle costs, and unit technical cost. Other cost reduction measures include develop synergy among operators by pooling common services and resources to avoid duplication of costs; address security challenges in alliance with security agencies, and reducing management costs induced by lengthy contracting cycles.

Boko Haram have limited knowledge of Islam – Soyinka



BY JIMITOTA ONOYUME
PORT HARCOURT – NOBEL laureate Professor Wole Soyinka has lashed at members of Boko Haram, saying they have limited knowledge of Islamic religion.
Speaking Monday in Port Harcourt at the opening of this year’s Rivers state education summit, organised by the state government Professor Soyinka said poor knowledge of the Koran was largely responsible for why Boko Haram should despise western education.
A picture taken from a video distributed to journalists in recent days through intermediaries and obtained by AFP on March 5, 2013 reportedly shows Abubakar Shekau (C), the suspected leader of Nigerian Islamist extremist group Boko Haram, flanked by six armed and hooded fighters in an undisclosed place.
A picture taken from a video distributed to journalists in recent days through intermediaries and obtained by AFP on March 5, 2013 reportedly shows Abubakar Shekau (C), the suspected leader of Nigerian Islamist extremist group Boko Haram, flanked by six armed and hooded fighters in an undisclosed place.
According to him some of the greatest philosophers in history were Muslims, adding that there was need for members of Boko Haram to be retrained on the content of the religion.
“Boko Haram are not educated enough about their religion to know that some of the greatest philosophers came from the religion. They have been taught one track line (Monorail) about the religion. They need to be re educated about the religion”, he said.
Soyinka who was Chairman of the opening session said government should take urgent steps to redress the decay in the nation’s university system, stressing that he was happy to be invited to the summit to be part of a move to rebuild the educational system.
Professor Emeritus, Ayo Banjo who gave the key note address called for steps to improve on the quality of education at the primary level, stressing that it was the foundation of the educational system.
He traced the high percentage failure recorded in the past at the West Africa School Certificate Examination to a weak foundation at the primary level, adding also that the shaky foundation was also behind poor quality graduates being shunned out by universities in the country.
Professor Banjo further called for a total overhaul of the educational system from the secondary to tertiary level to achieve the best for the nation.
Earlier in his welcome address, governor Chibuike Amaechi said the government was set to engage thirteen thousand teachers to provide the needed manpower to achieve quality education in the state.
He said the newly built modern schools would be managed by private hands for the state. The governor who spoke extensively on some of the challenges militating against quality education in the state said his government had to institute a Quality Assurance Board to check the problems.

former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi




The Ford Figo poster, which has sparked yet another controversy in the backdrop of the India-Italy diplomatic row. Photo: Special Arrangement

Saturday, 23 March 2013

Rewarding corrupt conduct sends the wrong signal – Ezekwesili



…Insists there is ‘squandering of riches’
Since the controversy stirred by her mentoring speech delivered to the graduating students of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, UNN, late last year, Dr. Obiageli Ezekwesili spoke extensively last Wednesday during Channels’ TV magazine programme, Sunrise Daily.  Here are excerpts from that televised interview
How would you assess government’s fight against corruption so far?
I would want to firstly condole with the families that have lost people in the recent carnage in Kano and I pray and hope that government would provide a more secure environment.  I do also note that most of those affected are Igbos and I want to plead with the Federal Government to grant them special protection as most of these killings in some places affect them and their businesses.
The spirit of communality should be encouraged and it can only be encouraged when people feel free to live and work and do business in any part of the country without the fear of being killed. The elders of this land should come to the table and have a conversation on this issue of insecurity.  Government should step up. Now to the issue of public sector corruption; at many levels, there are significant challenges that are emerging and any effort by government, by virtue of research regarding the fight against corruption, stands on a tripod.
The first leg is that the leadership at the very top should be able to signal to the citizens that there is a necessity for a moral revolution such that the climate of corruption would be seen as being too costly to allow to pervade, such that the choices before people would leave every one in no doubt about government’s commitment.
The second is the prevention leg, which relates to structural changes and institutions and systems that would engender transparency and which would lead to better and informed process of decision-making – budget process, procurement process that is transparent.  The structural and policy changes that allow deregulation to thrive should be put in place.
The third and final leg is the deterrence part of it – the laws and their enforcement that enables you to sanction corrupt practices in a conclusive manner that sends the signal that bad behaviour would not be tolerated.  Whenever bad behaviour is rewarded or tolerated, just as in the laws of demand and supply where you make profit, there is the tendency for people to do it more.  So the cost of corruption must be very high. With all these, you should be able to identify where we fall.
Which part of these are we not getting right?
In terms of the first tripod, which is about leadership and its intolerant stance, I think there is a long way to go.  If you feel the pulse of the society, there is a sense that the whole theatre of public governance is having credibility crisis.  The fact is that once you have served in government, then you are expected to be corrupted and that demonstrates how serious a crisis we have in our hands in terms of a value construct regarding our attitude to corruption.  We have a long way to go in terms of a leadership that signals an unbridled intolerance for corruption.
Preventive tripod
Clearly, when you look at what has happened in the telecoms sector where deregulation reduced the issues of corruption in that sector, that’s a plus.  When you look at institutions like the EFCC and the ICPC, these are institutions built with a view to preventing the prevalence of corruption in the society; NEITI is another institution which signals a strong commitment to preventive engagements and fight corruption.
Now, the question is, are they functioning at the level they should?
Of course no.  There is not even an optimal level of effectiveness in the way these institutions function. Look at NEITI, if properly implemented, we wouldn’t have the type of distrust that we have in the petroleum industry.  Everything about making that sector transparent and accountable is within that law and the spirit and intendment of the law and the practice are being done in the breach.
There are people who argue that we need institutions while some go for strong-willed personalities?
They are not mutually exclusive. An effective anti-corruption strategy would require the political commitment of the strongest and the highest office in the land.  And so, normally, the president, prime minister or head of government, as the case may be, must be the leader on the issue of tackling corruption. Political will is fundamental because you need to make some of the very difficult choices that are difficult.
But you need the institution.  But, sadly, people have this wrong idea of thinking that you can just legislate into existence an institution.  But institutions are process-driven; so it takes time.  The artificiality of having an institution that does not produce the needed result of its mandate is not going to work.  Institutions exist in some countries, yet they haven’t made any dent on corruption.  We need all of these working together and the key thing is not just about the leadership but the society too can assess the cost of corruption and says to itself that enough is enough. Corruption perverts everything about society and it is very costly because it means you are not operating at a level of allocational efficiency of your resources.
Dr. Oby Ezekwesili
Dr. Oby Ezekwesili
But people say our colonial history plays a role.  Do you agree?
I was one of the youngest co-founders of Transparency International in the very early 1990s and I was aghast when colleagues from the countries of the North would say Africa suffers from endemic corruption, simply because Africans accept gifts and, therefore, we were prone to crossing the border and this made me so sad and I would fight that slothful generalization and I would say to them that everything about African history tells us that the community was so punitive on bad behaviour.
There were times when families were made outcasts just because a member of the family stole a goat.  This was effective and it served as a very important deterrent and it didn’t matter that, even in those days, if leaders tried to pervert the rule and say they forgave, the citizens would never forgive.  So, there was a trend of punishing corruption and it was in the society at that time.  The pre-colonial African society did not struggle with the issue of corruption.
With independence, there had to be a marriage of the Anglo-saxone public sector (the Western public sector) which Africa inherited but which, unfortunately, did not make room for an effort to bring them into convergence with pre-colonial values for dealing with bad behaviour; so there was a disconnect.  There was almost alienation and the people did not own it. There is disconnect in the relationship between the governance system and the people.  That is what we are struggling to understand within the construct of history. Now, we should ask, how do we redefine the fundamental values that must underpin the choices we make?
How is it that those in government always see things differently from the way the citizenry sees things.  You have been in government before, how does this happen?
This whole issue of disconnect between the way government and the people see facts differently is a matter of the tone they set within government at any point in time.When we were in government, one of the things we said was that we had to own Nigeria’s corruption problem.  You can not solve a problem you have not taken ownership of and we saw that corruption was going to stand in the way of many of the things that we had planned to do.  We didn’t succeed in tackling all the problems, but you can not solve a problem that you have not owned.
If you define a problem as something that is used against you because people don’t like you, then you are not going to be able to solve the problem.  That is something that is a unique characteristic of whoever sets the tone.  The President said recently that government was doing so much against corruption and that, in fact, Nigeria was one of the very first signatories to the inter-governmental group against money-laundering in West Africa and that he also signed a legislation into law.  Government is saying here that it is doing something.
In terms of putting in place rules or systems or institutions, you cannot say Nigeria has not tried, but in the implementation of the mandate, what do we see?  That is the issue.  Governance has to do with results – output and outcomes.  These are the important issues.  More have to be seen to have been done.  It is about respecting those systems and the kind of political will and signals given to these institutions are going to be key in the assessment of these institutions.
At a meeting of TI, I was told by TI’s chairman that Nigeria was in the FADF list of countries as a non-cooperative regime and I did know that we had been on that list and we had to work our way out of it and part of the efforts was carried out by Nuhu Ribadu’s EFCC. It is a global framework and we need to be seen to be doing more because the cost of corruption is very high. Okay, are we doing enough really?  Compare what is happening now to what happened during your years in government in the area of that last tripod.
The judicial system for sanctioning corruption, indeed, the entire justice system has its own challenge. We talk about systemic corruption in TI when corruption pervades the entire system of governance and, so, governance, which includes the three arms, have their challenges. Though the current CJN is doing her bit in the fight against corruption in terms of the justice system and judicial process, it is very slow, very slow; so I don’t know of how many conclusive corruption sanctions we’ve seen in the media in the last five years.
What vibes do you get when you read what is happening in the media?
You can tell clearly and I haven’t read of any high level cases being conclusively sanctioned. There is grand corruption and there is petty corruption. People believe that grand corruption is not tackled the way petty corruption is. We can do everything about the first and the second tripod but if people do not get the sense that, with predictability, there would be serious sanctions against bad behavior, you would not achieve the desired objective of fighting corruption.
For the cases that were conclusive, were the sanctions costly enough?
Well, there are many people who would never agree that the punishments were adequate. In fact, some people in the study of the economics of corruption tried to build some analytics around what is optimal sanction for corruption but what I know is that the cost ought to be greater than the benefit. The greatest cost that society has, even where government fails, the citizens can have their own cost of corruption by deciding the character of the leadership they have because legitimacy resides with the citizens. This is a fight that government needs to lead. Corruption is a cancer and when you have cancer you don’t go taking Panadol. You have to do the very painful things.
When you talked about the $67billion, those in government challenged you, and they insisted that there was some pun intended?
(Laughs) All things are pure. I didn’t intend any pun.  I was speaking to a generation of Nigerians that were graduating from the university – but I would ask that people should read that speech. It was a painful speech to write. I traced the path that, in more than fifty-something years of independence, our lives have revolved round a commodity called oil. I told them the history of how we have had five oil booms that we have enjoyed to date and I said the story is that the nations that we started the development race with have completely left us behind because we have not translated those oil revenues into an improved economy and good quality life for the people.
Singapore started the race with us and the country is at almost $50,000 income per capita while Nigeria is just about $1,500. I was merely advising the students to look beyond the traps of oil well. Oil economy has been mismanaged. That they needed to make technology and manufacturing as their own philosophy of development.
The issue of the reserve was just a part of that broader story that was administration neutral. If administrations were to take on me, then all the administrations should take on me, including the government in which I served. It was a speech, for life-changing mentoring.  Here is the issue: In the speech I talked about the reserve that was handed over and I said this reserve has been squandered; that it was $45billion and the excess crude was $22billion.
Now, that statement is factual, just goggle the officials of state and see what they said of the reserves and the excess crude over the years, as being what was handed over to them when they took over. The foreign reserve is a composite figure, the foreign exchange that a country has and it is held by the CBN and it is the sum total of everything.
I said the reserve was $45billion and the excess crude account $22billion. These are inclusive and so there was no basis for the kind of abusive language from government.  I wasn’t taking on government. If the foreign reserve was $45billion at the time we were leaving government some six years ago and, since we left, oil prices have doubled – mind you our government grew it from $5billion to the $45billion we are talking about. So the question is, why was it not increased or doubled?