Thursday, 30 January 2014

Nigeria: Trading With China - How the Igbo Cloth Traders in the Lagos Island Market Scale the Intricate Hurdles

Fahamu (Oxford)

BY KENNETH OKPOMO

Imports of Chinese clothes into Nigeria has led to environmental pollution and poor health for Chinese factory workers who make these goods. It has also led to corruption amongst Nigerian customs officials, infringement of patents, and the domination of the trade by Igbo cloth traders in Lagos
For high-capacity local industries like the Dangote Group, owned by Forbe's magazine designated 'Africa's richest man' Aliko Dangote, the importance of the Lagos Island market as a meeting point for suppliers, distributors and retailers, cannot be overemphasized. A wide range of Dangote signature brands emanating from the stable of the conglomerate such as Dansa juice, pasta, spaghetti, macaroni, par-boiled rice, flour, iodized salt, granulated sugar, Davita, among others, are readily available at the Idumota and Ebute-ero end. So too are a wide array of made-in-China products, which have become even more readily available and at cheaper prices.
THE LAGOS ISLAND MARKET: AN OVERVIEW
Trade foisted on the heels of Chinese industries is becoming prominent on the Lagos island market. There is a booming proliferation of virtually all kinds of imported goods from China ranging from essential medicines, beverages, spirit and rum, refined vegetable oil, tomato paste, skin lightening cosmetics, beauty products, jewelries, sanitary wares and plastics, home appliances, building materials, phones, generators, cloth and clothing accessories, among others.
Whether wholesome or unwholesome, contraband or freely imported, made-in-China goods have become readily available almost everywhere in the market - either on the roadside where never-give-up street-traders in defiance to the Lagos state environmental laws exhibit them or in the stores and warehouses of retailers, distributors and importers who manage the complex supply chains.
With a growing population of over 170 million people (having consumption rates and patterns that supersede those of Benin Republic, Ghana and Togo put together in terms of disposable incomes and purchasing power parity), consumers in Nigeria constitute a ready market for these commodities. And the Lagos Island market has remained the meeting point for the distribution of many of these commodities within the Lagos metropolis and to other parts of the country.
Located within the Central Business District, in the very heart of Nigeria's banking and financial services industry, the market's vantage position in terms of access roads for the conveyance of goods and other logistical supplies, has added to its attraction as a foremost trading hub in Nigeria. In any case, its reputation has always been hinged on the indefatigable successes of Igbo traders who hail from the southeastern part of Nigeria.
At a time when local industries in Nigeria are packing up at an alarming rate, made moribund by the overbearing cost of doing business evidenced by infrastructural deficiencies, irregular power supply and untold vagaries in the business policy environment, many Chinese industries continue to make progress, even as Chinese state-owned enterprises and high-rise private firms scoop greenfield investment deals in oil and gas on the strength of a consolidated bilateral relations between both countries. The latest scoop is the Nigerian government-brokered partnership deal between LADOL (a Nigerian company) and the Chinese Offshore Oil Development Company Ltd (COODC) for joint planning and development of oil infrastructure in key parts of the country.
Even for Africa's foremost industrialist Aliko Dangote, Chinese empowerment has been inevitable. Dangote has a deal with the Sinoma International Engineering Company for the building of 10 cement plants across Africa at an estimated cost of US$3.9 billion over three years, among others. While Sino-Nigeria relations have grown by leaps and bounds, the reverse has been the case for local employees working in Chinese firms in Nigeria. For these ones Chinese empowerment has been a bitter pill.
Last year Rong Yansong, the Chinese Economic and Commercial Counselor to Nigeria, said about 50,000 Nigerians are employed in Chinese-owned businesses in Nigeria. Amidst optimum capacity utilization in many Chinese companies, workers' satisfaction has conversely been at the lowest ebb. The disproportion between man hours and earnings, together with the dehumanizing work conditions in Chinese enterprises, has often resulted in conflict between the workers and the management.
During October this year workers at Dura Pack vehemently protested against the continued casualization of employees, the arduous work condition and the concomitant gross under-pay. Many of the protesting workers said the company neither provided letters of employment nor identity cards and that their meager salaries were arbitrary surcharged on what the company perceived or interpreted as a breach of laid down regulations and procedures. One worker told this reporter that absence from work for one day, for example, could amount to a deduction of half of one's salary in penalty. Earlier, the local staff of the CWAY Foods & Beverages Companies, The West African Rubber Products Company, the China Civil Engineering Construction Company, among others, had downed tools on similar reasons.
This reporter paid an unscheduled visit to the Chinese Industrial Complex at the Lagbasa axis of Lagos to ascertain the situation there. Work conditions were in no way different. In one of the building material fabrication sites, some local workers were seen operating the heavy-duty machines without any protective head-gear, glasses or appropriate work apparel. A local staff, on condition of anonymity, told this worker that he works from 8a.m to 6p.m daily (with an hour break in between) on a paltry wage of ₦16, 000 a month, roughly amounting to ₦666 per day (equivalent to ¥614.75 a month or ¥25.59 a day for up to 10 hours of work at the prevailing exchange rate). Workers here are neither entitled to medical care nor standard annual leave. And in case of occupational hazards or work-related accident, they are readily abandoned and dismissed without any compensation, this reporter has learnt.
Fang LAN, a reporter with the Beijing-based Caixin Media Group who is well conversant with labor issues in China, told this reporter that the minimum wage in mainland China varies from province to province. "Until September this year", she said, "the highest minimum wage in China stands at about ¥1620 Yuan per month in Shanghai, ¥15.2 Yuan per hour in Beijing and Xinjiang". Comparatively the gross shortfall in wage earnings for the same amount of work between an average Chinese worker in China and his Nigerian counterpart working in a Chinese firm in Nigeria (irrespective of the differential levels of access to the factors of production) are miles apart, something some labor experts say tantamount to Chinese economic predation.
But the Chinese management in the industrial complex will not entertain any question on wage. In fact upon suspecting that this reporter could be on a fact-finding mission, a Chinese man from the interior office asked him to leave. However a local staff in an adjoining office vociferously offered, "This is how this factory runs, take it or leave it!"
ENTER THE IGBO CLOTH TRADERS
For many of the Igbo cloth traders in the Lagos Island market, self-employment rather than salaried-wage s is a better alternative. And trading with China, as opposed to being ensnarled in perpetual casualization traps in Chinese companies, is preferred. The enigmatic traders, many of whom have little or no formal education, managerial or organizational skills have been able to transform the burgeoning jean and denim products market into a thriving multibillion naira business through sheer entrepreneurial prudence and hard work despite inherent bottlenecks in the importation process.
Mr. David Zhao of the BrightWay International Exhibition Ltd was quoted by the News Agency of Nigeria as saying, during the just concluded Lagos International Trade Fair that witnessed that participation of 101 Chinese companies and 200 delegates, that the trade volume between China and Nigeria grew steadily to US$10.57 billion in 2012 and reached US$16.02 billion in the first half of 2013. Apparently the phenomenal success of the Igbo casual cloth traders in a country that ranks 99th out of 133 countries on the Global Competitive Index and 125th out of 183 countries on the Ease of Doing Business Index has become a sterling example in decoupling the intricacies in the fast expanding China-Africa trade relations, with special emphasis on the informal aspect, which has often been bypassed by policymakers and mainstream media in framing Sino-Africa relations.
Culturally the success of an Igbo man is generally seen in the context of his "chi" and in the broader concept of the "ikenga". But t to understand the physiological and psychological attributes of the Igbo specie, authors like Hyacinth Ugwu Ezema, have dug deep.
In his controversial 'Origin of the Igbos' published by Great AP Express Publishers Ltd ( Nsukka) in 2011, the author through ecclesiastical and historical standpoints linked the genealogy of the ethnic Igbos to the Jewish race in Israel. He wrote, inter alia, "the overwhelming evidence of Igbo-Hebrew origin is no more in doubt, as this work has been able to highlight in terms of artifacts, culture, inherited traditions and norms of the people. It couldn't be farfetched, by extrapolation, to see that part of the Igbo civilization that came from the surmised Jewish ancestry, is an innate propensity to excel and dominate in a chosen field in or outside their homeland no matter the odds.
In the US, for example, Jewish-rooted billionaires like Michael Bloomberg (founder & CEO, Bloomberg LP), Michael Dell (founder & chairman of Dell), Bill Ackman (CEO, Pershing Square Capital Management), Marcus Goldman (co-founder, Goldman Sachs), Samuel Sachs (co-founder, Goldman Sachs), Kenneth Cole (founder, Kenneth Cole Productions Inc.), Mark Zeckurberg (co-founder & CEO of the global social media Facebook), to mention a few, have carved unprecedented niches in virtually every sphere of the American economy. In the fashion and clothing industry, Jewish-rooted designers like Levi Strauss (founder, Levi Strauss & Co.), Calvin Klein (founder & CEO, Calvin Klein) and Ralph Lauren (founder, Polo Ralph Lauren) still hold the ace in designer trademarks with unmatchable super-brand quality.
There appears to be a distinct correlation between the circumstances of the Igbos and their supposed Jewish brothers. Emmanuel Opara of the Pan-Igbo socio-cultural group, Ndigbo Lagos, explained that "for while the Jews emerged from the holocaust much stronger in economic terms, the Igbos were able to rise from the shackles of the 1967-70 Biafra war, to become Nigeria's foremost enterprising people in personal and collective business terms". He added that if you remove Igbo business assets and interests from Lagos, the city could lose its attraction as Nigeria's foremost commercial nerve center.
TRAINING AND BUSINESS MODEL
However lucrative the jean and denim market is globally, investors in Nigeria will require more than strong conventional business acumen to succeed, far from the kind typically gained from an MBA program at a prestigious business school such as the Harvard Business School and the London School of Economics, as the business terrain remains a high-risk enterprise laden with unimaginable odds and uncertainties.
In the business configuration, this investigation can reveal that the only variable that is 'constant' at least for the time-being is the resolve of Chinese manufacturers to meet increasing demands no matter the odds. Until February this year, according to figures obtained from the National Bureau of Statistics in China by Fang LAN, the total number of textile and clothing industries in China stood at 14,736.
Although the data has not been categorized by products rather by ownership ( 52.6 percent of those factories are owned by private investors, only 0.67 percent owned by the state), intense competition among factory operators (especially in the South China province of Guangdong which is said to be the region responsible for half of the world's entire production of blue jeans according to the Clean Cloth Campaign) has kept prices in check, at fairly stable rates, as competing factories jostle to retain or improve their hold on market share.
Many of the manufacturing concerns, in a bid to cut down on cost to remain relevant in the hypercompetitive jean market, are still using the illicit-but-cheap production and finishing techniques which incorporate sandblasting, hand-sanding and chemical spraying to distress the denim fabric to achieve the pre-worn look, despite startling evidences of serious injury this method poses to the health of factory workers.
Taken to a number of warehouses or 'packing stores' as they are known in market parlance, this reporter was shown heaps of bales of assorted ready-made cloth brands which were lying in waste. "These are loads of 'unsellable' items which the importers hope to sell at rock-bottom prices during the approaching Xmas season to reduce their losses" my guide Vincent Chibuzor* told me in frightening sobriety. "They were not so well abreast; they made the wrong selection of designs and have thus incurred these untold liabilities."
A conservative valuation of the items spiraled into tens of millions of Naira. The reporter was able to catch up with one of such importers still aching from the idiosyncratic shock. "...how am I going to offset this huge debt hanging on my neck...? I borrowed money to do this business...Oh God, help me...!"He yelled in dementia.
This is the first hard lesson any start-up importer (even those already well entrenched in the business) hold dear to their heart - the thin line between failure and success. Therefore the one attribute that cannot be misplaced is strong IQ for good fashion. Knowing which designs and styles will readily appeal to the young population who constitute a high percentage of the users of jean and denim products is sacrosanct.
"You must understand that the fashion market is quite unpredictable. Today's top designs could easily become old fashioned at the dawn of tomorrow without any significant warning..." Chibuozor said. "So the more appealing your selections are to your target customers, the quicker they could be sold off for you to recoup your investments and replenish your stock"
Many of the importers, the reporter had learnt, didn't stumble into cloth business by chance. They were in fact groomed in it and for it. "I was gloomed for seven years" Okechukwu Njoku*, an importer whose business is domiciled at the Imam Plaza, told me. "During this time I served as an apprentice under a master-trader learning the whole gamut of the trade". On successfully completing the apprenticeship, he said his master set him by providing him a shop stocked to the brim with wares and some money to begin trade. But Njoku was quick to warn that training was not the only prerequisite, doggedness, creativity, strong will and an intuitive IQ were just as critical in juggling through the tough import terrain as well as in the sales and marketing of the commodities.
ESTIMATED TRADE VOLUME
In a country where records barely exist (and where they do, access to them are usually curtailed by Byzantine bureaucrats who fear that this records could expose the shortcomings and inherent corruption in their offices), this reporter had tried to put a tab on the volume of the cloth trade in the Lagos Island market. But again, as the investigation soon found out, many of the consignment of ready-made cloths (including jeans and denim, suits, packet-shirts, etc) entering the Nigerian market are mostly hidden in concealment and declared as other items (not on the Import Prohibition List) to reduce the dutiable amount to be charged.
However, in the space of the two months that this investigation lasted, occasioned by at least thrice-weekly visit to the market area, the reporter had witnessed the offloading (sometimes arrival and offloading as well) of no less than 70 containers (comprising 20" and 40" containers in no definite order) laden with ready-made clothes. There were also consignments that came in buses and trucks filled to the brim. An official at one of the plaza associations who spoke on strict condition of anonymity gave the rough estimate of arriving containers at not less than 100- 150 per month.
But as the Christmas season approaches (that time in the year when sales volumes expectedly punch up), the daily ship traffic report monitored through the Nigerian Port Authority's Shipping Position, shows accentuating arrivals and berthing of cargo-ships at various port terminals in Lagos even as the ports are getting increasingly congested.
With Nigeria's overall economy mostly import-dependent, trade imbalances are recorded in the balance of payment receipts. Since the last six months, according to revelations by Jan Thorthauge, managing director of Maersk Nig. Ltd (MNL), Nigeria's import and export ratio has remained at 92 percent import to 8 percent export, with the containerized import market estimated to have ended at about 159,000 FFE (forty foot equivalent) as against 155,000 FFE for 2012. China continues to leverage on increase in import volumes from countries like Nigeria (its second biggest trading partner in Africa) to achieve an average GDP growth rate of 10 percent over the past years - impressive growth rates that have seen over 500 million people lifted out of chronic poverty.
BUSINESS DYNAMICS
From investigative discoveries the average standard bulk order quotation for jeans and denim trousers, for example, from a professional jeans garment factory such as the GuangDong Zhonghan Textile and Garment Manufacturing Co. in Zengcheng city that owns heavy professional facilities and offers OEM service to overseas clients hover between FOB US$4 and US$ 8 apiece depending on size, quality and craftsmanship. CIF prices (incorporating cost, insurance and freight) will definitely costs more. Normally about 20,000 pcs of women's jeans could be loaded into a 20" container while for men's jeans and thin denim shirt it would be 18,000 and 22,000 pcs respectively. The cost of shipping, for instance, from Shenzhen to Lagos on MSK, according to figures provided by the Market Development Department, is about US$2200 + D + T + I for a 20" container and US$ 3600 + D + T + I for a 40" container. Standard time for shipment to reach destination is about 30 days.
Therefore to import a 20" container of men's jean to a Lagos port at US$4 apiece, for instance, it will cost a Lagos-based importer around US$72,000 to procure the merchandize, US$2,200 for shipping, customs duties at 20 percent of cost of goods + 5 percent VAT, undefined amount for clearing fees (to incorporate bribe monies for custom and port terminal officials to facilitate the quick release of the goods to avoid demurrage charges which start to accrue after five calendar days of discharge of cargo),among others.
Truck transport cost to move container from port to final destination in the Lagos Island market, settlement for CBD, KAI officials as well as for Omo-oniles (area boys), cost of offloading and carriage onto warehouse, plus other incidental expenses as well, will have to be factored into the calculations. It is clear, therefore, that breaking even or making profits at this incinerating rate is unimaginable for any importer. How then do these ingenious Igbo cloth traders do it?
To break even, from a constellation of information gathered from different importers, the calculations have to be petite. By all means, the importer has to strive to buy the jean commodity at about US$3 apiece (or less) and reach an all-encompassing landing costs of US$4 - US$4.50 apiece (at the most). He will then strive to sell at a wholesale rate of around US$9 apiece. The mark up of US$4 to US$4.50 apiece is the profit margin.
Voluminous sales and high turnovers are therefore necessary to arrive at greater profit margins to cater for the ever increasing costs of renting warehouse and shop as well as the daily operational expenses, one of which is fuelling and servicing of generators to light up the showroom where an array of colorfully dress mannequins are displayed to reveal the structural beauty of the styles and designs as steady power supply remains a huge problem.
At the Euro Asia Plaza, a warehouse on the third floor, barely measuring 10 X10", costs ₦250, 0000 per annum to rent, in additional to a N50,000 service charge (being charges for issuance of trade permit, LAWMA, security and cleaning services for one year) and another N30,000 for the forms. Warehouse and shops in vintage positions in more strategic plazas such as Imam, Gbode, Kings, Great Favor, among others, attract higher rents, from N400, 000 to several millions per annum. In many instances, rents are collected in arrears of two or more years in flagrant negation of the new Lagos state tenancy law which, in principle, prohibits landlords from collecting rent in excess of six months for a sitting tenant or one year for a new tenant in respect of a business or residential premises.
WHY THEY PREFER TRADE WITH CHINESE INDUSTRIES
The main reason why the Igbo cloth traders prefer to trade with China, this investigation has learnt, is because Chinese manufacturers are flexible when it comes to meeting their diverse specification needs in addition to having comparative cost advantages and economies of scale in their favor.
"They thoroughly understand the importers budget, their local markets, and will work with them on quality structure from low cost to high-end stuff that suits the different price targets of their respective local markets" Simon Ugwu* explained to me. "At your request they can copy from an existing design to create your own".
Sani Tsoho Allasan, the secretary of the Nigerian Community in China, sums this up when he told the Weekly Trust that "The fact of the matter is that you get what you want. If you need American standard or British standard you will get it. If what you want is low quality, like many of our businessmen in Nigeria are asking just to maximize profit, you will get it." Buttressing his point further he continued "For instance, if the Chinese gives up a price quotation of $10, but what you can afford is $4, you cannot expect the quality to be the same."
This reporter saw a wide variety of super brand names such as GUCCI, New City Denim, ME&CITY, DSL JEANS, DHJ JEANS, DSQUARED, LEVI'S STRAUSS, LEE, SCOTCH&SOLO (AMSTERDAM COUTURE), Tommy Hilfiger, M29 LONDON, BANMON, MEXEM, K'2nd Jeans, among many others, at the market. It was not far-fetched to know that many of these brands were not the authentic ones from the relatively cheap prices they were sold for.
An article 'How Can Jeans Cost $300' posted in WSJ.com gives a clear picture of the actual costs of authentic jeans abroad: "The prices of 'premium jeans' -- industry jargon for luxury-priced denim-- appear to be edging slightly upward after a downturn following the financial crisis." it noted, "Right now, J Brand's Maria women's jeans can sell for $226. Men's Aidan jeans from Seven for All Mankind costs $225. Prices for Gucci jeans range from $495 to $665".
Furthermore, the article revealed that, it costs about $50 to make a pair of Super T jeans (True Religion's best-selling style with oversized white stitching) which carries a wholesale price of $152 and an average price of $335 in the retail market, according to Jeff Lubell, chairman/CEO of True Religion.
Many Chinese manufacturers will make replicas of these top-notch brands for as low as $US5 apiece if orders exceed 300 pieces. In fact any replica production can be produced if the client provides the sample from which the copy is to be based and makes voluminous orders. But the importer has the full responsibility of ensuring that their local customs will not be strict about replica productions when clearing the consignments at their port.
While Chinese manufacturers usually do not see any problems with making replicas of top brands even when it infringes on the patent and IP rights of the original label owners, in countries like the U.K for instance, cloth, footwear and fashion products (including imported jeans and denim) that breach the IP rights of other businesses will be confiscated and destroyed by the HM Revenues & Customs under the international trade regulations of the U.K Trade and Investment office.
But in Nigeria, at this moment, apparently there are no governmental agencies at the point of entry intercepting imported cloth consignments that breach the design, style and labels of the original patent and trademark holders. The Standard Organization of Nigeria (SON) whose primary duty it is to ensure that premium standards for products entering into and circulating within Nigeria (especially through the administration of the conformity assessment SONCAP certificate in respect of importation of Regulated Products) has been asked to leave the port (along with agencies like the NDLEA) unless when specifically called upon as an ad-hoc measure adopted by the Prof. Sylvester Monye-led Presidential Committee on Port Reforms and Decongestion to improve turnaround time in the persistently congested Lagos ports.
Apparently, to have each patent right protected, it is the responsibility of foreign manufacturers or their franchise holders and agents to have them registered them with the Trademarks, Patents and Designs Registry, Commercial Law Department of the Ministry of Trade and Investment. But as with other commodities, especially in the food and drug industry, regulatory enforcements are usually weak as fake versions of genuine products continue to find their venal ways into Nigerian markets.
When this reporter contacted the Consumer Complain Dept of SON, his enquiry regarding the role of the organization in ridding the Nigerian cloth market of substandard clothes was not attended to. But a few months back, the D-G Joseph Odumodu had told Channels Television Sunrise crew comprising Chamberlain Usoh, Maupe Ogun and Sulaimon Aledeh that the organization's immediate priority was in curbing the menace of fake and substandard IT products flooding into the computer village and then second-hand tyres would follow. For now, regulating imported ready-made cloth is not in SON's priority as a check at their website shows that ready-made clothes is not listed among Regulated Products and may not require the SONCAP certification in the import process.
Meanwhile US Trade and Commerce officials continue to lament Chinese manufacturers' gross violations of the patents of US companies in flagrant negation of the WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) which introduced IP rules into the multilateral trading system negotiated during the 1986-94 Uruguay Rounds. Washington blames Beijing for the lax enforcement of intellectual property rights and patents and for its deliberate manipulation of the Yuan to give Chinese industries a competitive edge in the global market. As a matter of fact, while estimates at the time by William H. Lash III (then an assistant Secretary of Commerce) had put the cost of China's intellectual property violations at more than US$60 billion annually, many economic analysts want US companies to consider registering their trademarks and copyrights in key foreign markets, especially with the local customs and border agencies of these countries as a requisite step towards obtaining patent protection.
CUSTOMS, PORT CONDITION, POLICY SOMERSAULT AS MAIN OBSTACLES
Unstable policies often influenced by government's claims of protecting local industries and preventing the country from turning into a dumping ground have made cloth importers (including Jean and casual clothing importers) susceptible to the whimsical exploitations of regulatory officials particularly customs operatives in the enforcement unit and their valuation counterparts at the ports.
Although ready-made clothes neither require import license nor does it fall under the current Import Prohibition List (see www.customs.gov.ng), this reporter had encountered some importers who claimed customs officers reaped bountiful bribes from them during the lifespan of the last two administrations when the commodity was placed under ban."Those who could not submit to the huge bribe demands had their consignments seized and confiscated. Many of the seized goods went missing from the Customs warehouse, only to resurface in the Lagos market after being clandestinely sold behind closed doors to the cronies and protégés of the customs officials" Ben Anyanwu* had alleged.
During this period, even China town was not spared. In 2006 China town, which had become popular with the Nigerian masses as a hub for cheap ready-made cloths, was raided by customs officers and forced to close down temporarily on their claims of curbing Chinese long-held impunity over pirated products.
Under the current dispensation, however, clearing containers laden with ready-made clothes have been like the proverbial camel passing through the needle's eye for the importers. Demands for bribe are increasing with seemingly unstoppable impunity. In February this year a report by National Mirror report entitled 'Agents raise alarm over atrocities of valuation officers' (February 15, 2013. P.43) revealed how it had become fashionable for the current management of the Nigerian Customs headed by Adbullahi Dikko to place valuation officers above the Custom Area Controllers under whom they serve to which aggrieved agents made the argument that these valuation officers, who behave as thin gods, had practically suspended the HS Code as they freely imposed duty on imported goods based on their state of mind.
The report said, inter alia, "these officers, knowing the enormous powers given to them to determine the value of any consignment, sometimes mount imaginary roadblocks with which they extort money from importers and their agents because there is no authority superior to them at their command and most importers might not want to go to Abuja to complain while their consignments accrue demurrage".
Ships & Ports (Sept 27, 2013) aptly captured the comment by a licensed custom agent at the Tin Can Island port about customs corruption: "Initially the agents only give recharge cards to the custom officer on duty as a way of appreciation and gradually to N2, 000 and thereafter (they) mandated them to pay ₦10, 000 and ₦40,000, depending on how well you can negotiate to fast-track the re-routing of your containers" The shipping newspaper had also carried a report on the incessant failure of customs servers: " If you want to go and rate your charges, they will tell you there is no network, and that the problem is from Web Fountaine. Yet if you cannot rate your charges on a particular day, the shipping companies will continue to charge you for demurrage" Bright Nwosu, a customs licensed agent at the Tin Can Island port, was quoted as saying.
In an exclusive interview, a customs brokerage and international freight operator (name redacted) told this reporter that since the lifting of the ban on ready-made cloths by President Jonathan's regime, high import duties have been imposed as a deterrent and that customs officials prefer consignments to be concealed as auto-parts and other items that attract lesser custom charges so that a substantial sum can be paid out in bribe to them.
Said he: " The clearing of jeans, polo, shirts is costly now; for a 20" container it is not less than 3.5 million Naira, import duties and handling charges inclusive" He went on to reveal "... Your declaration should not be garment again; you will now declare, maybe, auto parts, printer or something suitable. You will now do it in the form of concealment... The Nigeria Customs (officers) prefer it in that form because the money will now enter into their pocket rather than the federal government's purse." If the method enunciated is diligently adhered to, the importer could save a million Naira or more, this reporter has learnt. The customs boss, Alhaji Abdullahi Dikko, seemingly aware of this trick, has threatened to mass sack or redeploy erring customs officials to remote commands following complaints that officers also now give out their passwords to agents to be used in clearing cargoes.
Port condition could best be described as comatose. "The Nigerian ports operate like a disorganized market, at a time one could not hide his frustrations that the business of the ports was conducted in the most disorganized manner" said Idris Umar, minister of transport, when he came to Lagos to declare open a one day stakeholders forum on the newly approved Integrated Port Community Information System (IPCIS) sometime this year.
The Presidential Committee on Port Reform and Decongestion whose aim it is to improve service delivery, port efficiency and increase revenue generation at the ports, has achieved little or success in these assignments. Ports access roads are presently in terrible condition of disrepair. Some steps taken by the committee to make the ports work include sacking the truck owners who had converted the various roads leading to the ports as their park, reducing the number of agencies at the ports from over fourteen to six, among others. Yet congestion has still not gone away. There is an overarching need for the ports to deploy a multi-level racking formats and satellite container positioning system in their operations as container volumes continue to increase with the ever persistent demand by the customs for physical inspection. At the moment, many of the inspections orchestrated by customs are merely formalities which entail just opening and closing the doors of the containers.
TRADE SECRETS OF THE IGBO CLOTH TRADERS
In the book 'The Business Culture of the Igbos: A Model for the Nigerian Economy' published by Silver Pen Publishing House (Lagos) in 2012, authors Seun Onanuga, Ekene Atuenyi, Henry Okonkwo and Chioma Nkemdilim solemnly attributed the success of Igbo businessmen to simple secrets such as the lack of fear, ability to adopt to foreign environment, shrewd savings and investment culture, monopoly of trade, aggressive marketing, diversification and cheap services. How true.
In respect of the cloth import market, this investigation found out that many Igbo importers, fully aware of the low purchasing power of the Nigerian masses, have partnered with Chinese manufacturers to produce the wares at lower prices which are within the means of the generality of customers while quality is reduced to maximize profits.
Although to an ethical businessman who places quality over and above profits this attitudinalism defies sound economic logic in terms of long-term prospects and customer loyalty. But the idea is in itself premised on higher quantities at lesser prices amounting to increased profitability and turnovers in the end. For the Chinese manufacturers, profit at their own end is always assured through large economies of scale.
In terms of quality, the generality of Nigerian customer don't mind pirated versions so long as they feel the cosmopolitan exuberance that wearing designer jeans confers on fashion lovers is not tampered. That aside, jeans and denim products are often fuzzily tailored, prewashed and acid-treated, so pirated versions will still look pretty nice even after several wash.
Another secret is that many importers are taking advantage of China's multidimensional high-tech industries to diversify their trade specialties as well. Why bring in ready-made clothes alone when you can add other dry commodities such as spare parts, mechanized equipment, home appliances, etc, to spread the risks and multiply the income stream?
Another surprise that the investigation has uncovered is that the quest to get rich quick has forced many retailers and distributors within the supply chain networks to plough into the import market. The Lagos Island market is beginning to experience a decentralization of imports as the monopoly of the well entrenched importers is being broken. Nowadays almost everyone will tell you he is an importer. Visit five shops in any of the bustling plazas and you will find, without much ado, at least one importer who frequently goes to China to replenish stock. You do not have to have the money to import a container load; you can import several bales or batches containing a few thousand pieces as there are shipping companies like the Analog Shipping Line who will ship your small quantities of goods for between ₦80,000 to ₦100,000 per C.B.M.
"When you get to Guangzhou market, make sure you buy more chinos than jeans" an importer admonished during the business tutorials I received in the course of this assignment. "Chinos sell faster than jeans since it's for multipurpose use, for office and casual outings. Shorts too sell fast... but do not bring in mass produced clothes as they have lower quality and are not meant for the big guys. Buy stock clothes not mass-produced items "he explained.
Another importer will give you a handful of different reasons why you should go for the mass produced clothes. Yet another will say it is 'order' that is the toast of customers. Whichever is the more profitable this reporter cannot readily ascertain as it is all within the realm of speculation. But what is imperative however is that with each cloth trader comes a personal initiative and module to the conduct of the business task. What works well for one may not necessarily work for the other...and you will find each of them keeping the business discoveries that have apparently worked well for them close to their chest for therein lie the real salient trade secrets.
Asked about the language barrier, this reporter was assured that in Guangzhou, which is the store-front for many garment manufacturers in the Guangdong province, it is not hard to find fully integrated Igbo people who speak the Chinese dialect fluently to help with the translations. For a warning, the reporter was told to be diligent and watchful, lest Chinese merchants pack the expired cloth items they have not been able to sell among the purchases.
THE IMPLICATION
At present, just as Fang Lan confirmed, air pollution in China is becoming entrenched and widespread. Research from the Global Carbon Budget estimated that last year China contributed a whopping 27% of the world's CO2 emissions even as the country (according to the country's top climate negotiator Xie Zhenhua) pledges to cut down its carbon intensity by 40-45% by 2020 from 2005 levels.
Already the report by the Clean Cloth Campaign and the IHLO (the Hong Kong Liaison Office of the international trade union movement) have drawn public attention to the high incidences of silicosis (the deadly disease caused from inhaling silicon dust) among jean garment workers arising from the use of sandblasting, hand-blasting and other toxic chemical techniques in the factories.
Fang LAN had told this reporter that "China has very high standard of worker protection...But the cost to implement these standards is very high. The local labor departments don't have so many employees to supervise the implementation, nor have the motivation to supervise, because the most important thing to them is not the health of workers, but the tax those enterprises contribute to local development".
From the foregoing, it is now clearly evident that while garment manufacturers in China will reap bountifully from the voluminous import transactions in the short term, in the long run China will have to pay a huge price for the environmental pollution arising from production processes that put profits over Good Manufacturing Practice (GMP).
At the Nigerian end, while tough times will continue to plaque the effort of Igbo jean traders, it is the men of the Nigeria Customs, especially the valuation and enforcement officers at the port of entry, who will reap bountifully from their sweat through corrupt enrichments.
Therefore for every single jeans that is imported from China that successfully reaches the Nigerian market, it is highly probable that patents and IP rights have been infringed upon, the health of Chinese factory workers have been compromised and big bribes and settlements have been doled out to Custom officials, and of course terminal operators, who benefit from illicit demurrage payments. It is the end-user who ultimately will bears the full costs of the transaction.
"This is not a territory of morality" one of the importers sounded in my ears once the reporter raised questions on business ethics and IP violations. "It is a zone of survival of the fittest" he fiercely said. In an oil-rich nation where, over time, economic mismanagement and misappropriations by Byzantine politicians and public-sector bureaucrats have fleeced the common wealth resulting in massive impoverishment, it is hard not to see reason. This reporter is inclined to agree less but, of course, he is definitely not in a position to judge.
* This article was supported by Forum for African Investigative Reporters and WITS China-Africa

South Africa/ Nigeria Trade and Investment in the past decade: One way track or dual carriage way?

Hope for Nigeria



Prior to embarking on the salient task of unpacking the business dynamics between Africa’s two biggest economies, South Africa ($407billion) and Nigeria ($282billion) it is critical to look at a brief history of the two nations
South Africa became a democratic state in 1994 with the election of Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela which ushered in black majority rule after 46 years of brutal and repressive apartheid rule by a small white minority.
Nigeria gained independence from the British on 1st October 1960 but by January 15, 1966 it had witnessed the killing of its Prime Minister and in July the Head of State and a year later a long civil war which left a million people dead. Following the cessation of hostilities in Jan 1970 Nigeria went through a series of military dictatorships punctuated by a civilian government in 1979-1983. Democracy only returned to Nigeria in 1999 with the election of former military head of state Chief Olusegun Obasanjo.
Nigeria broke diplomatic relations with South Africa in May 1960 and renewed diplomatic relations in 1994. For 34 years there was no trade between Africa’s two biggest economies. The reality is that there was no single trade between the two countries from the time of Tafawa Balewa until the regime of late Gen. Sanni Abacha who was president when Mandela came to office in 1994. What must also be noted is that Gen Abacha’s regime was the most brutal in Nigeria’s history and the regime had very little friends and certainly South Africa was not one of them so the period of his rule would not have done much for trade between the two countries.
Nelson Mandela spent only one term in office from 1994-1999 which is unprecedented in African political history. Thabo Mbeki, Mandela’s deputy came to office in 1999 the same year Chief Obasanjo took office. Thabo Mbeki was ANC’s foreign representative in Nigeria between 1976 and 1979 so fate brought these two men together again but this time as civilian presidents of Africa’s two largest economies. Obasanjo himself after leaving office had been a member of the Eminent Persons Group to South Africa during apartheid and it was Obasanjo and Mbeki that played major roles in the establishment of the New Partnership for African development (NEPAD) along with Abdoulaye Wade (Senegal) and Habib Bouteflika (Algeria)
There is no doubt that the close relationship between Obasanjo and Mbeki fuelled the massive investment by South Africa into Nigeria. In 2003, trade (exports) between South Africa and Nigeria was less than $ 10 million dollars. Though, MTN paid $285 million for a GSM licence fee in August 2001 it was only from 2003 onwards that South African companies began to take Nigeria seriously as an investment destination especially when MTN began to reap huge profits.
Currently, there are at least 100 South African companies across all sectors from banking(Stanbic, Rand Merchant Bank) to Manufacturing(Nampak) to retail(Game, Shoprite, Spar) and hotels(Protea, Sun International, Southern Sun, Legacy(Whitbaker). Other companies that are doing good business are Tiger Brands, Old Mutual, Broll, AECI, Sanlam, Sasol and SAB Miller. By 2012, SA investments reached 23.9 billion rands ($2.3 billion) up from 3.2 billion rands in 2001.
Nigeria’s economy has grown at an average of 6% in the last decade. It is obvious that the advent of democracy has increased foreign investment and also the sound macro-economic policies such as diversification, the stable exchange rate, consolidation of banks in 2005 and the growth of telecoms and ICT and higher oil prices has contributed immensely to the development of the economy. Nigeria’s inflation is currently at 9% which is the lowest in decades and GDP growth is 6.75% compared to South Africa’s 2.2% and the population is three times that of South Africa.
There is no doubt that Nigeria presents great opportunities for more investment from South Africa and vice-versa especially given the current trade figures. Trade between Nigeria and South Africa is $4.1 billion for 2012(same as MTN Nigeria’s income).
Nigeria enjoys 83% of the trade while South Africa’s exports at R6billion are 17% of the total. Nigeria exports mainly oil and nothing else to SA. This year President Jonathan signed a slew of trade agreements on his state visit ranging from manufacturing of vehicles, ICT, women development and defence. The evidence suggests that there is room for growth. It is important note that Nigeria still attracted far more foreign direct investments between 2009-2011 than South Africa. FDI of $23.9b went to Nigeria and $12.4bn to South Africa
This year alone, Tiger Brands announced its acquisition of a huge stake in Dangote Flour Mills. Famous Brands has also bought 157 restaurants from UAC Foods. The Public Investment Commisioners (PIC) also bought 1.5% of Dangote Group. SAB Miller intends to make beer out of cassava as they do in Mozambique. There are great opportunities in the area of Agriculture, Mining and Housing development given the shortfall of 14 million homes and also the shortfall of 3000 shopping malls. There is also opportunities in infrastructure especially road and rail and this may be urgent given the spate of air crashes and huge numbers of deaths on our roads.
According to Mkwanazi of BHP Billiton’ your investments in a country or a continent should be more than just about returns and once-off projects. It is important to sign up as a partner in long term investment to help grow and develop the country or the continent’s economy’.
Having examined in some detail SA investments into Nigeria it is worthwhile to discuss the converse. Nigerian investments into SA have not had a great storyline. It seems that Nigerian businessmen have preoccupied themselves with taking skills and technology back home and where possible secure manufacturer’s representative agreements.
The first major Nigerian investment in South Africa was THISDAY newspapers owned by Nduka Obiabgena. THISDAY took the market by storm and even displaced the STAR newspaper which is the main daily in Gauteng. Nduka Obiagbena managed to get a photo with Thabo Mbeki holding a copy of THISDAY. For many Nigerians in SA, the THISDAY investment and grand launching was most welcome given the negative stereotypes about Nigerians in the media. Sadly, THISDAY did not last on the shelves as the management ran into issues and had to shutdown. Financial Standard was also launched but failed and so did Bellview and Virgin Nigeria.
Recently though there has been good news. Africa’s richest man Aliko Dangote has invested R1.17 billion in Sephaku Cement which represents 63% of Sephaku’s value. It is interesting to note that a recent study as published by Ventures Africa 20 out of Africa’s 55 dollar billionaires are Nigerian so perhaps some of these billionaires should follow Aliko into SA.
A few years ago OANDO listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange although the listing was done by Deutsche Bank. Arik Air has been running in SA now for almost 5 years with daily flights between Lagos and Johannesburg although their flights are sometimes plagued with huge delays. First Bank, Union Bank and FCMB have representative offices in SA and GT Bank has posters splashed all over OR Tambo airport despite not having a presence or a representative office in SA. The GT Bank adverts which must have cost millions so let’s hope they come into SA.
The evidence suggests that apart from Dangote’s investment in cement and Nigeria’s $ 3billion annual oil exports there is no real footprint BY Nigerian businesses. Some of the reasons put forward are that SA is a difficult market to penetrate. Dangote described BEE as a “forced marriage’. Dangote’s investment in SA is the largest single investment by an African company. Other factors which may have impeded Nigerian businesses are strict corporate governance rules, exchange control regulations, Black Economic Empowerment, difficulty of securing business permits and business visas and the general hostility towards Nigerians as a collective. Another area of concern which Nigerians want to see addressed is the fact that almost all South African businesses in Nigeria are headed by South Africans and they are mostly white South Africans.
South African companies such as Sasol are playing major roles in Escravos with Chevron. Entech and Broll are managing prime estates and properties including the development of Bar Beach (Eko Atlantic) and management of over 6000 fuel stations across Nigeria.  There is a sense on the part of Nigerians that this unequal trade can’t be healthy and they blame the bilateral agreements in place since 1999 which allows this to happen without hindrance to operations of SA companies. There exists an agreement for the reciprocal promotion and protection of investment  which was signed on 27th of July, 2005. In practice however there is no adherence by South Africa to the spirit of this agreement.
SA companies’ investments in Nigeria are heavily protected from interference at any level by the Nigerian government.  Some say, the Nigerian government has given SA companies a licence to grow as they please. Companies like MTN have made $5 billion dollars in a decade and taken it to SA tax free.
The logic going forward may be that Nigerian companies with Pan-African aspirations should be able to leverage South Africa as a base for a deeper engagement with the Southern African market which is perhaps more homogenous and has 247 million people. Also, there are at least 250,000 Nigerians in SA and this represents a sizeable market which is more than the population of Gaborone, the capital of Botswana. There are 230,000 people in Gaborone out of the country’s 2 million people. The value of Nigerians in SA cannot be over-emphasized.  For example 4 million black South Africans spend $36 billion dollars a year and it is possible that the spending power of Nigerians in SA may represent 10 % of this amount and all the expenditure currently goes to SA companies.
It is important to stress that there has been progress made for example a recent initiative in January 2013 led to an MOU between South African accountants and Nigerian accountants. The MOU enables both bodies and their members to work together and members of one can be members of another thus giving Nigeria’s professional accountants the opportunity to practice in SA and vice-versa.
Nigeria needs to leverage its strong fiscus currently by deploying successful businessmen to South Africa to emulate Dangote who apparently is now in more than ten African countries. It is time for Nigerian companies to move beyond West Africa and claim its true status as an African economic giant by deploying its vast foreign reserves currently standing at $48 billion including the excess crude account.
The Nigerian government must leverage higher oil prices not only for local development but also for strategic investments on the continent and as a means of shaping the imbalances that currently exist with regards to trade between Nigeria and South Africa. It is also important that Nigerians themselves pay more attention to the trade agreements signed by between Nigeria and South Africa. The more knowledge Nigerians have about South Africa’s economy the better the ability to access this very important BRICS and G20 market.
Nigerians must also work together to ensure that Nigerian investments into SA must embrace talents from home or diaspora. It is not enough to just invest in South Africa as Dangote or Arik Air has done but also to ensure that Nigerians are employed within top echelons of these businesses.  No single Nigerian employee exists in Dangote’s Sephaku cement and the entire board and management is South African whereas almost all South African companies including small hotels in Nigeria are headed by South Africans. It is time that Nigerians begin to craft their own destiny and move into uncharted waters and negotiate better deals especially in Africa’s biggest economy. Nigerians must follow the Indian and Chinese example in Africa. There is ample evidence of Chinese and Indian investments in SA even pre-BRICS. It is time for MADE IN NIGERIA to be exported all over Africa. NIGERA WE HAIL THEE! ARISE O COMPATRIOTS!
God Bless Nigeria, Nkosi Sikelele Afrika!

Africa: Does Nigeria Really Need a 'Sovereign National Conference'?

African Arguments

BY ZAINAB USMAN


ANALYSIS
In a few weeks, Nigerians across ethnic and regional divides will be gathering at a roundtable to discuss critical national issues. The imperative for this National Conference as a necessary discussion over Nigeria's future was underscored by the President, Goodluck Jonathan, in his Independence Day commemoration address in October 2013. No doubt, there is need for consensus among the country's distinct ethnic and religious groups on critical governance issues such as the structure of government, federalism, revenue distribution, political representation and power sharing. Whether the National Conference taking place this year is capable of addressing Nigeria's perennial existential problems is another question.
The clamour for a national dialogue among Nigeria's over 350 ethno-linguistic groups has been as old as the country itself, since the aftermath of the first military coup in 1966. Frequently called a 'Sovereign National Conference' (SNC), this roundtable discussion is regarded as the elixir to pervasive corruption, ethnic chauvinism, conflict and perversion of the rule of law all, of which have stifled economic development, social harmony and the forging of a collective Nigerian identity. The inflamed emotions in the debate for and against an SNC in the Nigerian public sphere inhibit a dispassionate interrogation of its practicality or necessity.
For proponents, a national dialogue is a bottom-up democratic opportunity for many Nigerians to participate in nation-building in an otherwise exclusionary political system dominated by a handful of elites. These include the military and key players in the coups of 1966 who are the major power brokers today, their associates, powerful state governors, an increasingly powerful business class and media moguls.
Gani Fawehinmi, a vociferous SNC advocate once lamented that Nigerians "never had the opportunity to make inputs into, accept or reject any constitutional framework through a referendum". The national conversation is thus a catalytic opportunity for Nigerians to "negotiate the terms" of living together, within a contraption of British colonialism. In this pro-SNC camp are ethnic associations, marginalised politicians, activists, youth associations and other groups excluded from the power circle.
Those opposing the National Conference argue that it is incapable of addressing Nigeria's problems which are outcomes of governance, leadership and rule of law failures. Spending N7 billion ($42 million) towards yet another summit by a country with the highest number of out-of-school children in the world is regarded as "wasteful" by the Labour Union president and "diversionary", by the main opposition party, the APC. Others regard it as an instrument for attaining a nefarious agenda by the specific government in power. This "agenda" covers a wide gamut of allegations from tenure elongation and covert constitutional amendment to regional domination and secession.
Unsurprisingly, the expectations of what a National Conference can or cannot achieve range from the pragmatic to the utopian. It is not uncommon to hear the "we must talk" refrain in the wake of a Boko Haram attack, a kidnapping incident or a grand corruption scandal. As usual, the debates are laced with the poisonous sectional prejudices which normally characterise the country's public discourse. What is paradoxical however, is the very elitist nature of the discourse over a summit aimed at inclusive nation-building. A recent opinion poll revealed that nearly 9 in 10 (88%) Nigerians are not aware of the call to constitute a sovereign national conference.
Yet a pragmatic assessment of what the forthcoming National Conference can achieve against the huge expectations is necessary. For now, it is unlikely that it will create the needed national consensus on key issues in the country for two reasons. First it doesn't seem markedly different from previous ones. Nigeria's independence was the outcome of a series of negotiations between elite in the Northern and Southern regions mediated by British colonial administrators at conferences in Lagos and London in the late 1950s. Others include constitutional conferences organised by the military regimes of Muhammed-Obasanjo, Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha, and the National Political Reform Conference (NPRC) organised by the Olusegun Obasanjo administration in 2005.
Each conference has promised to address Nigeria's critical problems but delivered so little. Resolutions incorporated into national laws, such as state creation or protection of minorities, have been insufficient in addressing sectional grievances or are just ignored. It does beg the question, if previous conferences have achieved little, what makes the latest incarnation different?
Previous National Conferences have been ineffective in addressing Nigeria's existential challenges because they have been reactionary rather than proactive. Right from the first truly sovereign dialogue by military rulers in 1967 in Aburi, Ghana, in the aftermath of the bloody coups of 1966, these conferences have been crisis-management instruments hurriedly organised to stem imminent crisis or to further a specific political agenda on the eve of a political transition.
Consequently, their reactionary nature hinder the conferences' effectiveness in finding enduring solutions to resource distribution, the fear of domination, effective political representation and other contentious matters. While General Abacha's National Constitutional Conference (NCC) was a reaction to the simmering crisis of the June 1993 elections annulment, Obasanjo's in 2005 was widely regarded as a platform for realising an extra third term in office beyond the constitutionally permitted two terms. Now Goodluck Jonathan, treading a well-worn path is organising his own National Conference on the eve of the 2015 elections.
This is not to entirely dismiss the potentially beneficial outcomes of a national dialogue in Nigeria. In the past, these have included: the 1979 constitution which provided for a presidential system of government and laid the foundation of the country's current constitution, the delineation of the six geo-political zones in the country by General Abacha's conference and allocating more revenue to the oil-producing Niger-Delta states by Obasanjo's conference. Yet the knotty issues which push Nigeria teetering on the precipice remain unresolved.
Notwithstanding, the forthcoming National Conference may present an opportunity to mitigate the country's growing polarisation since the 2011 elections and prevent future political crises. This would require the roundtable to negotiate robust and acceptable power-sharing formula among Nigeria's regions, ethnic and religious groups. This is because the country's political crises are mostly rooted in the turbulence of political transitions where political institutions are subverted to further the despotic agenda of an individual or the dominance of a particular group. The Obasanjo Third Term Saga in 2005-2006 and the turbulence that threatened Goodluck Jonathan's ascension to the presidency in 2010 are recent instances.
A power sharing formula in Nigeria has been previously proposed, where top executive positions rotate periodically around all six regions to give every part of the country a fair shot. Another variant could be modelled along the Federal Council of Switzerland where the office of the President as the head of state is replaced with a six-member presidential council representing all regions to reduce the individual executive's discretionary powers and the violent competition for that position. This de-concentration of powers away from one individual will blunt tensions over political transitions, assure all Nigerians of their region's legitimate 'turn' at the highest level of leadership and may lay the foundation for constructing a collective national identity.
As previous National Conferences have shown, systemic challenges such as revenue allocation formula and devolution of powers to sub-national governments cannot be fully addressed within one summit but require an incremental process of consensus-building at the National Assembly over the long term. Addressing surface problems such as corruption, insecurity and disregard for the rule of law is not contingent on the creation of new laws. It requires unwavering political commitment and reforms of existing institutions, anti-corruption and law enforcement agencies.
Clearly, Nigerians need to forge a consensus on key existential issues that perennially plunge the country into crisis. Yet it is difficult not to wonder whether yet another talk shop is the only means of reaching consensus. Or whether a President in the twilight of his term in office, facing intense opposition from within his party and without, is capable of organising a National Conference that will sincerely address Nigeria's deep structural political problems.
Zainab Usman is a doctoral candidate in International Development, University of Oxford.

Wednesday, 29 January 2014

'Cashgate' - Malawi's murky tale of shooting and corruption

BBC


Joyce Banda (file photo)The scandal could spell trouble for President Banda

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It is the biggest financial scandal in Malawi's history. Known as "cashgate", it has affected the country's relations with donors and caused outrage among Malawians. And with elections in May this year, the scandal could cost President Joyce Banda and her People's Party votes, writes the BBC's Chakuchanya Harawa.
At the centre of the scandal is a computer-based financial information storage system.
Some government officials have allegedly been exploiting a loophole in the system to divert millions from government coffers.
It is estimated that up to $250m (£150m) may have been lost through alleged fraudulent payments to businessmen for services that were not rendered.

Start Quote

People have to be afraid of government money”
Bruno KalembaDirector of Public Prosecutions
According to a report in the local media, an audit by managers of the financial system has established that records of some transactions carried out between July and September 2013 were deleted.
Allegations of the massive looting of government money became public following the shooting of the finance ministry's then budget director Paul Mphwiyo in September 2013.
Just days before, a junior civil servant was allegedly found with bales of cash totalling more than $300,000 in the boot of his car.
More cash was confiscated from some civil servants' homes and car boots.
'Crisis of confidence'
The country's main donors were infuriated.
They have withheld $150m pending further investigation into the scandal.
Woman in Malawi (file photo)Malawi is one of the world's poorest countries and is reliant on donor funding
Up to 40% of Malawi's annual budget is donor-funded.
The EU ambassador to Malawi, Alexander Baum, told the BBC: "It is a crisis of confidence, and unless there is transparency and everybody has the feeling and trust that the crisis has been addressed with full determination, confidence will not return."
But it is not all doom and gloom for the government.
The IMF, which had been withholding funding for the same reason, has just decided to give nearly $20m to the country.
A government preliminary report looking into the alleged fraud, carried in conjunction with British experts, has now been completed although it has not been made public.
Police have since impounded vehicles, houses, apartments and office buildings belonging to those suspected of involvement with "cashgate".
The Director of Public Prosecutions, Bruno Kalemba, told the BBC: "People have to be afraid of government money. In a country like ours, the needs are enormous and to imagine that just a few people were able to get their hands on this much money is quite discomforting and unpatriotic."
With the start of the trial this week of two of the 70 people charged so far, many will be hoping that more revelations will come into the open.
But while the legal battles are being fought in the courts, on the political front cashgate could become a major issue in the forthcoming elections.
'Scandalous'
It is already dominating campaign rhetoric.
The opposition has criticised the government's handling of the scandal, portraying the current administration as corrupt.
Protesters in Malawi - October 2013Many Malawians have been shocked by the allegations
President Banda argues that she initiated appropriate steps, including investigating, apprehending and prosecuting suspects as soon as she became aware of the allegations.
Some have linked the scandal to the president, saying her party was trying to raise funds for the May election campaign.
Her office described the allegations as "scandalous and baseless".
Some of the top names facing charges were until recently senior officials of the ruling party.
Sacked Justice Minister Ralph Kasambala, who has been charged with the attempted murder of the former budget director, has told a magistrate he wants President Banda, her sister and two other senior officials to be his witnesses when his trial starts.
Another former ruling party executive committee member and businessman has been charged with theft and money-laundering.
It is alleged that his company pocketed $6.5m for services not rendered. Both deny the charges.
The financial management system was adopted in 2005 by the late Bingu wa Mutharika administration.
President Banda has suggested that the looting may have started as far back as 2010 following a directive by the former president that banks should honour all government cheques without asking questions.
Ms Banda became president in 2012 following the sudden death of Mr Mutharika; she had been vice-president although she had been fired from the then ruling party and had formed her own party.
For the moment, the political effects of the trial are not not clear - the scandal could well hurt both Ms Banda's People's Party and Mr Mutharika's Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), possibly allowing another party to gain ground.

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