Monday, 19 September 2016
A Tribute: Conversations with Anthony Eromosele Oseghale Enahoro, a political exile (1996 – 1998)
Read more at: http://www.vanguardngr.com/2016/09/tribute-conversations-anthony-eromosele-oseghale-enahoro-political-exile-1996-1998/
By Ladipo Adamolekun
Preamble
The crude repression of the Abacha government forced this revered nationalist to flee the country in May 1996 to seek political asylum in North America. Earlier on in 1994, Enahoro had heroically accepted the ignominy of detention for about four months at the hands of the same government. This time around, it was strong evidence of life threatening danger that made him accept to flee Nigeria at age 73. Late Sani Abacha The man who moved the historic motion of independence for Nigeria in 1953 was being threatened with death by a brass hat who was barely ten years old at the time. He fled the country to avoid being tortured and/or killed by Abacha’s brutal regime. I met with Chief Enahoro about six times between September 1996 and March 1998.
Predictably, there were overlaps in the issues discussed during the different meetings but three of the meetings stand out. September 13th 1996: I met Chief Enahoro in the company of Dr. Ropo Sekoni, an academic who was active in Nigerian opposition movement in the Washington area. We spent about two hours with him. Our wide-ranging conversation was both interesting and stimulating. His vivid recollection of the political events of the 1950s and 1960s was very impressive. He was both frank and fair to his political colleagues, those he agreed with as well as those he disagreed with. In particular, he came across as a constructive critic of late Chief Awolowo, his party leader. His narration covered the years of radicalism in the 1950s (motion of independence in 1953) through the opposition years of the early 1960s, self-exile in Ghana, Ireland and England, culminating in “treasonable felony” trial and incarceration narrated in his book, Fugitive Offender (1965), to the “insider” years within governments or with governments from the late 1960s through the 1970s to the 1980s. Then, there was the return to radicalism in the 1990s, marked by detention (1994) and a second exile (1996-) – quite a chequered political career. The clarity and rigour of his thoughts and his strong convictions came across in the positions that he espoused on the evolving Nigerian crisis.
I was in full agreement with his position on June 12 (a critical reference point which is no longer able to fully determine future directions) and on the autonomy of the regions (8 of them), with the centre performing a coordinating role. He would like to see the military forces disbanded and a new, small military reconstituted with external assistance. Some kind of radical re-organization of the military would be necessary but it might not be exactly along the lines that he advocated. I broached the issue of his brother, Peter, who accepted to be co-opted, first by Shagari and later by Babangida and his successors. He was not comfortable with the subject and I dropped it. It was a memorable meeting. I will endeavour to meet with him from time to time until further notice. October 5th 1997: During a one-on-one conversation, Chief Enahoro provided some insightful and interesting perspectives on Nigeria’s political history.
As Vice Chairman of Gowon’s administration in the late 1960s, Chief Awolowo introduced a paper on regional specialization in the development process: north to develop agriculture (“bread basket”); east to lead in industrialization; and the west to lead in commerce. He withdrew the paper because of opposition from the north. We talked about the re-structuring of the Nigerian federal system: 8 regions around ethnic nations or a collection of ethnic groups. We also talked about the politics and economics of oil. When I asked about progress of work on his memoirs, he replied that progress was slow. In passing, he remarked that one of the things he was struggling with was how to avoid destroying the country’s icons – obviously a reference to what he would have to say about the “big three”: Awo, Zik and Ahmadu Bello. On the way forward, he would like the opposition movement to focus sharply on mobilizing the masses. He demonstrated clarity on the symbiotic relationship between organization and ideas. I was pleased to hear him talk of the need to reflect on the economic management arrangements that would be compatible with the regional arrangements that he had proposed during previous conversations. He asserted that the product of the linkage would constitute a core message of the opposition. March 21st 1998: I was one of about one-dozen Nigerians that Chief Enahoro engaged in a marathon conversation lasting over five hours at the Lawanis over dinner. (Ayo and Ayoka Lawani hosted the dinner. Ayoka who divided her time between the family base in Ibadan and her husband’s work base in the Washington area was active in NADECO politics). Chief was in high spirit and mixed wit and humour very effectively throughout the long evening. Above all, his reminiscences on Nigerian politics from the early 1940s to the present were full of insights. His sharp memory for details (of people, places and events) was very impressive. He repeated his unwillingness to provide interpretations of Nigeria’s political history that would reveal critical poor judgments, plain mistakes and personal weaknesses of the nationalist leaders in whose company he fought for Nigeria’s independence. And he was a key figure in the government of Western Nigeria in the immediate years of independence before the arrival of the brass hats. He specifically mentioned the need to leave the “icons” alone so that those who continue to hero-worship them might not find their “kings” de-robed. And he made the point that some readers of his account would question his motives. He listened to the rebuttals that others and I offered and we moved on from the topic. Another interesting insight that he provided was the question of what to do with former Heads of State. He first encountered this problem when he served under Gowon and the latter’s thoughts about transition to civilian rule were warped by concern over his personal role under a new dispensation. (A few African countries are beginning to grapple with the problem –Nelson Mandela of South Africa and Ketumile Masire of Botswana). His thesis on the role of language in development aroused considerable interest.
He correctly pointed to the salience of this subject in S-E Asia (Indonesia, Thailand, and Malaysia). But we did not contrast the S-E Asian experience with the case of Swahili in Eastern Africa. He talked briefly about his role in the establishment of the University of Ife in 1962, with the anecdote about how a detour to Moscow helped to win British support, including the removal of the British colonial officer in Western Nigeria whose lack of interest had resulted in the exploration of the Moscow axis. He whimsically mentioned that with the end of the cold war, such smart moves are no longer possible. Alas, he is right.
Read more at: http://www.vanguardngr.com/2016/09/tribute-conversations-anthony-eromosele-oseghale-enahoro-political-exile-1996-1998/
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